As the United States and Europe denounced Russia for its invasion of Ukraine, Saša Božić reacted by inaugurating “Café Putin” in Banja Luka, featuring a figure of the Russian president that stands approximately 30 cm taller than Putin himself, according to the “New York Times.”

Meanwhile, amidst Europe’s outrage over US President Donald Trump’s confrontation with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in the Oval Office, Božić has embarked on a new venture: a motel and restaurant complex named “Trump and Putin’s Place.” He aims to open it this summer, as reported by the American newspaper.

Božić maintains that the homage to Trump and Putin is not politically motivated but rather a “marketing strategy” that resonates in Banja Luka. Since the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe in 1989, many individuals in the city and its vicinity have viewed Russia positively, while being critical of the American-led order in Europe that Trump appears to be challenging, the Times notes.

Božić argues that a café named after Biden would be unsuccessful, and a restaurant dedicated to Zelensky would be even less viable, which is why “everyone here admires Putin and Trump.”

The New York Times highlights that Republika Srpska emerged from the ethnic cleansing during the Balkan wars in the early 1990s, shattering hopes that the end of communism would usher in prosperity and coexistence.

“It showcased the allure and destructive capacity of ethno-nationalism, a force now gaining momentum globally,” observes the article’s author, Andrew Higgins.

“The Serbian region has felt marginalized for decades, perceiving itself as a victim of what it considers a hostile American-centric world order that is, at least theoretically, committed to human rights, democracy, and territorial integrity.”

Many ethnic Serbs regard Russia as a safeguard against the West, which intervened militarily during the 1992-95 war to support Bosnia’s Muslim population and again in 1998 to end Serbia’s dominance in Kosovo, Higgins elaborates.

Serbs, both within Serbia and those in Bosnia and Herzegovina, continue to hold painful memories of NATO bombings during the 1990s. Currently, many feel optimistic with President Trump’s return.

“Trump’s America is distinct,” stated Mladen Ivanić, a former prime minister of RS. Although he opposes the local ethno-nationalist leadership, he hopes the new Washington administration will better understand Serb concerns. Yet, he foresees turbulence ahead.

“We now navigate a new reality where anything is possible, even a conflict between America and Europe. I never imagined such a scenario,” Ivanić remarked.

He also mentioned that he believes “Trump has little interest in the Balkans,” but his disruption of long-standing assumptions about America’s values “has altered everything.”

The Times asserts that this shift has alarmed former communist nations that, due to Washington’s antagonism toward Moscow during the Cold War, are viewed as loyal American allies.

Vytautas Landsbergis, the former leader of Lithuania who guided his nation to independence in 1990, described Trump’s clash with Zelensky as a profound betrayal.

“They invited a guest, assaulted him, insulted him, and expelled him. What transpired in Washington is at an unprecedented low,” Landsbergis remarked.

Lech Walesa, the former leader of Poland’s Solidarity movement and a global icon of resistance to tyranny, along with former political prisoners, sent a letter to Trump expressing “horror and disgust” over his intimidation of Zelensky, likening it to their encounters with arrogant bureaucrats from the communist regime.

For those who perceive the United States as a bully rather than a liberator, the prospect of Washington abandoning its established beliefs has been met with enthusiasm, according to Higgins.

Higgins notes that Dodik is eager to capitalize on the uncertainties stirred by Trump. He recalls that the RS leader celebrated the Oval Office altercation with Zelensky, who was clarifying Trump’s misconceptions about the causes of the war in Ukraine, as a victory of “truth” over “fantasy.”

In hopes that Washington would align with him against Bosnia and Herzegovina’s central government in Sarajevo, Dodik recently welcomed Rudolph Giuliani, the former mayor of New York and Trump’s ex-lawyer, in Banja Luka.

Giuliani arrived shortly before a BiH court found Dodik guilty of disrespecting the decisions of an international authority overseeing the Dayton Peace Agreement.

Long aligned with Russia as his protector, Dodik is now seeking assistance from Washington, the Times reports, adding that Dodik communicated to Giuliani: “You and President Trump comprehend the relentless nature of the deep state and the lengths it will go to attack political opponents.”

However, the visit did not unfold as planned. Giuliani depicted Bosnia as a perilous stronghold of Islamic extremism while donning a MAGA-style cap that read “Make Srpska Great Again.” Yet, Higgins remarks, he inadvertently offended Dodik by referring to him as a “Bosnian.”

The day following Giuliani’s attendance at a rally for Dodik’s supporters, a Sarajevo court sentenced the RS president to a year in prison, alongside a six-year prohibition from holding public office.

Damir Kapidžić, a political science professor at the University of Sarajevo, believes Dodik’s attempts to foster ties with Washington stem from his desire to avoid imprisonment and have US sanctions lifted.

“He is cornered. He hopes the uncertainty introduced by Trump will work in his favor,” he stated.

Kapidžić argues that this uncertainty does not bode well for the fragile order in the Balkans, which relies on US cooperation with European nations.

A return to armed conflict, he highlights, is highly improbable—too many able-bodied young people have moved abroad, and significant stockpiles of weapons, unlike during the breakup of Yugoslavia, are lacking.

Nonetheless, Kapidžić warns that BiH risks a contentious struggle for influence among external powers, including Russia, China, and Turkey, “if the Trump administration opts to entirely withdraw its support for the multilateralism that resolved the Balkan wars.”

Agreeing with this sentiment, Aleksandar Trifunović, the editor-in-chief of the Banja Luka portal Buka, also finds a return to 1990s violence unlikely, despite threats made against the judge who delivered Dodik’s verdict.

His greater concern lies in the deterioration of the norms that have upheld BiH as a state, albeit a dysfunctional one. Recently, Dodik warned Serbs working within BiH state institutions that they would be deemed “permanent traitors.”

“We will immortalize their names on plaques wherever we can—across media and beyond. Betrayal will not be tolerated,” he asserted.

Aleksandar Trifunović expresses that the likelihood of a return to 1990s violence is low, but worries about the erosion of the norms that kept BiH unified as a nation.

Trifunović believes that Dodik has gained encouragement from President Trump’s campaign against the “deep state,” especially regarding the dismantling of USAID, which Elon Musk branded as a “criminal organization” without evidence.

“That is highly troubling,” Trifunović added, stating that he has never benefited from USAID grants, yet Dodik continues to accuse him of being part of a “criminal cabal” utilizing American funds “to undermine Republika Srpska and Milorad Dodik.”

Draško Stanivuković, the opposition mayor of Banja Luka, remarks that while he disagrees with Dodik on many issues, he shares the hope that Trump will assist Serbs in safeguarding their identity and territory.

“Here, we are all rooting for Trump. Liberal values ​​have dominated the world for far too long,” he expressed.

Tanja Topić, a political analyst from Banja Luka, noted that the increasingly hostile atmosphere reminds her of the 1990s.

“The same toxic narratives and individuals persist, yet thankfully weapons are not present this time. Politicians like Dodik “dislike regulations and have placed significant trust in Trump,” Topić concluded.

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