With the entry of the Government, Milojko Spajić has further bolstered the influence of the parliamentary leader Andrije Mandić, while his coalition partner Milan Knežević increasingly feels sidelined, resulting in growing discord between the two.

This insight was shared with “Vijesti” by Nikola Mirković, a program associate at the Center for Civic Education (CCE), who noted that Mandić rarely criticizes the executive branch, contrasting with Knežević’s frequent challenges.

The latest development involves the conflict between Spajić’s Europe Now Movement (PES) and Knežević’s Democratic People’s Party (DNP), ignited by the prime minister’s recent agreement to collaborate with the United Arab Emirates (UAE), which includes a significant investment of 30 billion euros in projects on Ulcinj’s Velika Plaza.

While the statement war between PES and DNP unfolds, Mandić and his New Serbian Democracy (NSD) remain notably quiet, as they have in previous situations, despite being long-standing coalition partners with the DNP.

“Effectively pursuing his interests”

Mirković noted that Mandić, being a seasoned politician, is equipped with connections in official Belgrade, enabling him to effectively pursue various interests, even if such activities aren’t overtly visible.

“Mandić may have a gentle demeanor, but he ‘carries the dog with him,'” Mirković remarked.

He further explained that before the governmental reshuffle in July last year, which saw the NSD and DNP join the Cabinet, Mandić had already solidified his position as Speaker of the Parliament, backed by a coalition agreement that “bound” Spajić.

“With considerable leverage in the legislative sphere, his entry into government has only enhanced his influence over Spajić and the administration. Mandić is strategic; he selects his battles carefully and doesn’t rush to take on every issue. His ministers have received powerful portfolios, including lucrative sectors like energy,” Mirković assessed.

On the flip side, according to Mirković, Knežević finds himself at a disadvantage without a significant state role or government position, coupled with “very limited parliamentary opportunities,” and has lost the chairmanship of the Security and Defense Committee, which used to benefit him.

“Though he might be the most vocal MP, sheer volume doesn’t equate to political strength. He’s probably feeling this marginalization more acutely, resulting in the growing dissonance in their positions. Notably, regarding the UAE agreement, the DNP appears to advocate more strongly in favor of Montenegro’s interests compared to the other parties in power, particularly PES,” Mirković concluded.

Knežević expressed that his party was not informed about the agreement that paves the way for Arab businessman Mohamed Alabbar to invest in Velika Plaža, noting that subsequently, their representatives in the government were briefed on the initiative.

PES MP Miodrag Laković countered that if the DNP or any ruling coalition members wished to reassess their stance on the coalition agreement and “Barometer 26” (a platform for joint commitments to finalize EU negotiations), they should rethink their involvement in the government.

This led to a series of conflicting statements, with PES informing ‘Vijesti’ that the functionality of the government is not hindered by “the parties’ pre-election statements” and insisting there’s no need for early elections, particularly since “the government consistently holds a majority significantly over 41 MPs.”

Empty threats

The DNP has had several confrontations with the government, notably in May last year when they threatened to reassess their support for the executive after Spajić declared Montenegro’s support for a UN resolution on the Srebrenica genocide, which ultimately passed. Despite this, Knežević chose not to exit power.

While Mandić voiced opposition to the state’s backing of the resolution, he asserted that his party would remain in power and should soon rejoin the government. Prior to the resolution’s approval, he stated that endorsing it was “not a wise choice” and claimed that Montenegro “compromised itself” further by adopting it, emphasizing that the executive made the decision “despite numerous appeals.”

Knežević recently stated he would withhold support for the proposed government reorganization until Spajić clarifies when discussions about standardizing the Serbian language as an official language and the introduction of dual citizenship with Serbia will commence. He also inquired when the ruling Bosniak Party (BS) would withdraw from its coalition with the opposition Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) in Bijelo Polje.

The DNP did not respond to ‘Vijesti’ regarding their views on Mandić’s silence concerning the UAE agreement and why they express more dissatisfaction with the executive branch than NSD. They were also asked to comment on Mandić’s rare criticisms of the government compared to Knežević, and how these discrepancies may impact their alliance.

Mandić also did not reply to inquiries about his leniency towards the government, his alignment with Knežević’s critiques regarding the UAE agreement, and his own stance on the matter.

Who appears more serious and who is more genuine?

In a May interview with ‘Vijesti’, Mandić responded to a question about whether he and Knežević were playing the roles of “good cop and bad cop” within the Government and overarching parliamentary majority, noting that Knežević has the legitimate right to advocate the policies he believes in and remain accountable to his constituents.

“I lead the Serbian National Party in Montenegro and am convinced I understand my people well, promoting a policy that best serves the Serbian community in Montenegro. Citizens are free to choose the ideas that resonate most with their beliefs,” he stated at that time.

Nikola Mirković believes Mandić has recognized that from a position of power, aggression and radicalism are not necessary, and he has moderated his rhetoric compared to his opposition days, projecting a more serious image to many.

However, Mirković stresses that Mandić hasn’t fully abandoned many detrimental political and ideological perspectives for Montenegro, asserting that there’s no doubt his actions still align with those frameworks.

“In expressing his views, Knežević appears more sincere and advocates with clarity for the interests of his party and constituents, especially regarding public opposition to the government’s agreement with the UAE and the sale of state assets,” Mirković remarked.

He notes that Mandić remains ambiguous on this issue, as do the ministers from his party in government, who should notably be the first to take a stance, including Slaven Radunović, Minister of Spatial Planning, Urbanism and State Property, and Simonida Kordić, Minister of Tourism.

Mandić did not attend the SNS rally or sign the petition supporting Vučić

In contrast to Mandić, Knežević has shown his support for neighboring country’s president, Aleksandar Vučić, particularly following the protests against the Serbian authorities triggered by a tragedy at the Novi Sad railway station, claiming 16 lives.

Knežević was also among the signatories of a “petition advocating the right to life” for Vučić, initiated by the Serbian Institute for Political Networking. From Montenegro, NSD MP and Nikšić Mayor Marko Kovačević, along with Free Montenegro leader Vladislav Dajković, signed the petition, whereas Mandić was notably absent from the list.

Knežević addressed a rally of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) in Sremska Mitrovica on February 15, coinciding with Serbian Statehood Day – Sretenje. Mandić was not present at this rally, nor at the Serbian Statehood Day festivities held in Orašac on the same day, despite having attended similar events previously.

“Perhaps one is the ‘good’ guy and the other the ‘bad’ guy”

“Knežević is more vigorous in his rhetoric and remains consistent with his earlier positions. Nonetheless, let’s not deceive ourselves – Mandić is not shifting from his perspectives either; he’s just more adept at presenting them subtly, behind closed doors, from a considerably stronger position,” Mirković stated, commenting on the fact that although both Mandić and Knežević are advocating for issues concerning the Serbian language and dual citizenship, only Knežević vocalizes his stance vigorously and with conditions.

Mirković observes that disagreements within a coalition are not uncommon, regardless of its longevity or evolving dynamics.

“The public often views them as a united political entity, thanks to their shared ideology and goals, and their coalition during elections. However, the power dynamics and positions change the relationships, and while this doesn’t necessarily lead to radical shifts, it seems that significant differences might not exist. Perhaps it’s a tactical maneuver for one to portray the role of the ‘good’ guy while the other assumes the role of the ‘bad’ guy in governance,” the commentator concluded.

News