The recent surge in protests in Serbia against the authoritarian regime of Aleksandar Vučić, which reached its peak on June 28, has drawn international attention, as reported by a German newspaper. “Approximately 140,000 individuals gathered in Belgrade demanding new elections. While this figure fell short of the March 15 rally, where over 300,000 citizens rallied together, it still reflects the ongoing discontent with the current leadership, standing strong even six months after protests began in November 2024.”

Nevertheless, the event on June 28 illuminated a troubling trend across the Balkans, notes journalist Mihael Martens. “Although this shift has been visible for some time, it has gone largely unnoticed abroad: within the student movement, which remains a cornerstone of the protests, a resurgence of Greater Serbian nationalism has emerged, echoing the early days of Slobodan Milošević’s rule in the 1990s.”

The rally’s lineup of speakers illustrated this shift, according to the author. “Nationalists and those minimizing war crimes competed in amplifying Greater Serbia rhetoric. The selected presenter matched their fervor, while only the rector of Belgrade University maintained a moderate stance. The other speakers seemed to stray from the initial aims of the protest movement—restoring democracy and the rule of law in Serbia—shifting focus instead to advocating potential conflicts with Kosovo or Bosnia.”

Code Words of Greater Serbian Ideology

The Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung elaborates that the rally commenced with a student who delivered an emotionally charged speech, previously known for participating in similar events. “In a speech with quasi-biblical overtones, he referenced God, Serbs, and the Battle of Kosovo against the Ottomans on June 28, 1389. This date, observed in Serbia as ‘Vidovdan,’ holds significant mythical importance within Serbian nationalism and is often wielded as a rallying cry. Choosing this day for the protest foreshadowed ominous implications. The student declared, ‘on this day in our beloved homeland, prayers and blood become one,’ followed by inflammatory rhetoric about ‘blood and soil’ and revered ancestors dedicated to the Serbian cause. He also recited a text by Nikolaj Velimirović, a Serbian Orthodox nationalist priest and admirer of Hitler, who died in 1956, steeped in themes of heritage, ancestors, and homeland.”

Anyone who thought the opening speech was an isolated incident or a calculated concession by students to appease the nationalist segment of Serbian society is mistaken, according to the German journalist. “The trend persisted, with a literature professor who recently praised the poetry of Radovan Karadžić, a war criminal serving life imprisonment, urging the audience not to forget the Serbs in Kosovo, the Republika Srpska in Bosnia, Montenegro, and North Macedonia. He articulated this call as a fight for ‘the freedom of the Serbian people outside Serbia’ and ‘the struggle for Serbian integralism.’ These phrases are synonymous with the Greater Serbian ideology, under which Serbian perpetrators committed atrocities during the 1990s, including the genocide at Srebrenica.”

The enthusiasm with which the audience received the professor’s speech may have evoked distressing memories for those who watched the live broadcast from places like Vukovar, Sarajevo, or Pristina, according to the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. “Historically, when advocates of Greater Serbian ideology invoked the imagery of ancestral remains and proclaimed that Serbia encompasses all locations of Serbian burial sites, it frequently resulted in the remains of non-Serb victims being unearthed from mass graves across the Balkans.”

Right-Wing Overtaking of Vučić

“Admittedly, not all students share the sentiments expressed by the speakers at the recent protest. In fact, a significant portion may find the escalating nationalist tone of the protest against Vučić’s undemocratic administration distasteful. However, if they fail to distance themselves from the nationalist fervor displayed on Vidovdan, only the darker aspects of Serbia will resonate,” the author observes, concluding:

“It is clear: a distancing could lead to a divided protest movement, numerically diminished yet holding a stronger grasp on democratic ideals and the rule of law. Currently, students risk allowing Serbian nationalism to take root under Vučić’s regime, trying to outpace him while remaining on a perilous path. Vučić’s government will not be unsettled by nationalist spectacles and Greater Serbia rhetoric; no one can rival him in that arena. The very attempts to do so indicate that Vučić is merely a visible symptom of a deeper-rooted nationalist delusion.”

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