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HomeBalkansSerbian opposition in a dark vilayet

Serbian opposition in a dark vilayet

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Serbian Opposition in a Shadowy Province

Ten days post-Vidovdan protest, citizens and police continue their chess game on the streets of Serbia, with tensions remaining high. The police are meeting acts of civil disobedience with arrests and physical confrontations.

As bruises mount and criminal and misdemeanor charges accumulate, the government maintains that law enforcement is operating within its parameters, yet the exact number of detained and arrested citizens remains undisclosed.

Initially distancing themselves from any political affiliation, after Vidovdan, students involved in the blockade invited “all genuine opposition political actors to unite in boycotting Assembly activities, without resigning their mandates,” reiterating their demand for elections to be called.

Does this signal a cooperative approach? What implications does the boycott hold, and is the opposition devising a new fighting strategy? Or is it merely a spectator in the regime’s contest with the dissenting populace?

Boycott, with dialogue

Opposition parties largely welcomed the students’ call to boycott Assembly activities, aiming to apply pressure for parliamentary elections.

The opposition has consistently urged students to engage in dialogue, highlighting that only through communication can a solution to the ongoing crisis be achieved.

Among the first to back this student initiative were members of the Democratic Party (DS), who noted their boycott of the National Assembly since January. They emphasized their intention was not to legitimize a parliament that “merely serves as a façade for dialogue,” in response to the students’ call for a general strike.

“Following the session that saw the Serbian budget approved, and the manner it was handled, we deemed it pointless to partake in the performance orchestrated by Aleksandar Vučić. We also urged other parties to exit parliament to prevent accusations of democratic law enactment,” remarked Srđan Milivojević, MP and president of the Democratic Party, in an interview with DW.

With some reservations, the Green Left Front (ZLF) also responded favorably to the students’ call. The party’s MPs clarified that due to ongoing street protests and repression, they would skip the next parliamentary session, but a consensus was needed for future actions.

“We’ve agreed not to attend the next session, but I believe it’s inappropriate to maintain a one-sided communication style. Therefore, I advocate for the initiation of dialogue or coordinated action,” expressed ZLF MP Radomir Lazović in a statement to DW.

Boycott as a “contribution to a state of emergency”

Bojan Pajtić, a professor at the Faculty of Law in Novi Sad and former Prime Minister of Vojvodina, views the opposition’s response to the Assembly boycott positively.

He interprets the boycott as a “legitimate, tactical political tool,” deeming it an appropriate means of contestation in the current socio-political landscape.

“Should the strategic evaluation indicate a need for the opposition to re-enter parliament at some point to engage in political drama, obstruction, or discussion—that is always an option. No one has resigned, nor renounced their mandate, which contributes to the state of emergency in Serbian society,” Pajtić assessed.

When queried about the efficacy of this approach and the potential for collaboration between the opposition and students, Pajtić expressed optimism but noted that cooperation will depend on conducive conditions.

“At this time, this method of struggle is effective if MPs actively engage with citizens on the streets. This illustrates their support for their constituents,” he asserted.

“As we fight for elections, the question of candidate lists and their presentation will hinge on public sentiment, and I believe it lies in everyone’s interest to dismantle this outrageous regime,” the professor conveyed to DW.

Is the Assembly an opportunity to hear the opposition’s voice?

Some opposition parties, like the “We, the Power of the People” party, do not perceive the Assembly boycott as an effective strategy.

This view was previously shared by the New Face of Serbia (NLS) party, which advocated leveraging “all available means of struggle—both parliamentary and extra-parliamentary.” However, Miloš Parandilović, the NLS president, confirmed a shift in their stance, asserting they will abstain from Assembly activities while citizens endure arrests and violence.

“In any case, we see no merit in a permanent parliamentary exit because Assembly sessions represent a vital opportunity for the opposition to voice its concerns amid complete media silence. We must not forsake any valuable platform for engaging with citizens and uncovering the malpractices of progressives,” Parandilović emphasized.

What’s next?

The opposition remains divided on how to engage with students, though there is consensus on the importance of communication and open dialogue.

“We have three reasons why dialogue is essential. First, we all face oppression from Vučić’s regime; second, we need to determine the optimal strategies to ensure elections occur; and third, we must identify the most effective means to combat this criminal regime once elections are held. I am open to any collaborative action we agree upon, but we must initiate communication,” believes Radomir Lazović of the ZLF.

Conversely, the DS asserts readiness for any form of collaboration and student support, acknowledging the student movement as “the largest political force and crucial actor,” cautioning that interference from political parties may undermine its momentum.

“Any attempt by political parties to infiltrate that movement diminishes its scope, given public antagonism towards certain factions. We believe if the front is sufficiently broad, there’s room for all. Thus, political parties should refrain from asserting themselves within that dynamic,” pointed out Srđan Milivojević.

Whether Vidovdan marks a pivotal moment in the ongoing wave of student-citizen protests will likely become clearer in the coming months. For now, one certainty remains: the “green light” from students to citizens is still flickering, while the opposition remains shrouded in uncertainty.

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