The public and secret police have continued to align with organized crime, and recent years have provided clear evidence of how deeply organized crime influences state institutions, particularly those intended to combat this issue.

This revelation was made by the director of the MANS Research Center, Dejan Milovac, during an interview with Vijesti, where he addressed the state of Montenegrin institutions, the governance system, and citizens’ security, nearly two decades after Montenegro’s independence referendum.

Numerous key figures within the security services from the period following Montenegro’s independence restoration on May 21, 2006, are now in custody or are facing multiple investigations by the Special State Prosecutor’s Office due to allegations of long-term collaboration with the mafia.

In the year following the referendum, Veselin Veljović was appointed as the inaugural director of the independent Police Directorate. He is currently under indictment by the SDT for alleged ties to a criminal organization involved in cigarette smuggling. His successor, Slavko Stojanovic, was recently sentenced to three years and eight months in prison after admitting to soliciting the passage of a truck laden with cigarette packets.

For decades, two operative leaders of the secret service, Zoran Lazovic and Dusko Golubovic, have been detained in Spuž.

Lazović faces accusations of misusing his official position in 2020 while serving as Veljović’s assistant and has been linked to recruiting the then Chief Special Prosecutor Milivoj Katnić and Special Prosecutor Saša Čađenović, as well as his son and associate, Petar Lazović, to collaborate with the fugitive criminal organization of Radoja Zvicer, for illegal financial gain or power.

Retired agent Duško Golubović is suspected of engaging in “money laundering,” derived from cigarette smuggling through property acquisitions.

Milovac asserted to Vijesti that the attainment of independence in May 2006 did not enhance the institutions responsible for upholding the rule of law and safeguarding the interests of Montenegro and its citizens.

Numerous international documents and reports have highlighted for years the necessity for the reform of services and the removal of compromised personnel.

Even in the early years post-independence, during the significant international operation “Balkan Warrior” in late 2009, the State Department’s Human Rights Report indicated the presence of corruption in Montenegro’s security services, stating that the Montenegrin ANB had wiretapped opposition members, journalists, and dissenters of the regime without due authorization.

Confirmation of these assessments emerged in early 2010, revealing that Montenegro had been a refuge for Darko Sarić for months following the “Balkan Warrior” operation, due to allegations of his orchestration of the smuggling of 2.4 tons of cocaine from Latin America to Europe.

Two years thereafter, Safet Kalić also fled Montenegro before his arrest, accused of reinvesting drug sale profits into real estate in the northern regions. His ties to now-detained ANB agents were documented at his wedding, which saw the attendance of Zoran Lazović and Duško Golubović.

“The arrests of high-ranking police and judicial officials, fueled by information from the SKY application, have illuminated the extent of organized crime’s infiltration into these structures, highlighting that the fight against organized crime has often been a facade, sometimes aimed at rival clans. I believe we are still far from concluding this battle against organized crime in Montenegro, especially given the judiciary’s performance in organized crime cases. The persistent absence of final rulings in high-level corruption and organized crime cases has been a recurring criticism in European Commission reports on Montenegro, and without these, discussions about a sustainable approach to these challenges are premature,” Milovac asserts.

The Director of the MANS Research Center further explains that the socio-political landscape has markedly changed since 2006, noting that Montenegro has since joined NATO and has undertaken various international obligations aimed at bolstering security and the rule of law.

“Thus, the initial parameters for evaluating security differ considerably from those in 2006. Sadly, state institutions still bear the weight of a three-decade-long regime that consistently undermined them, primarily benefiting criminal groups and corrupt politicians. The current concept of security is significantly different than in the early years of independence, and security remains regrettably below the standards of developed nations we aspire to,” Milovac observes.

A journalist from Trebinje, Natasa Miljenovic Zubac, also notes that the years 2006 and 2025 are not directly comparable, but emphasizes that nearly two decades later, it is evident that those meant to shield the state from lawlessness have increasingly become integrated into organized crime networks.

“The names currently in Spuž speak volumes regarding this situation,” Miljenović Zubac conveyed to “Vijesti”.

A journalist who reports on data from the SKY application in BiH and highlights the ties between organized crime in that nation and Montenegro underscores that influential figures in security and judiciary institutions have “created havens for organized criminal groups and offenders.”

“They primarily served criminals in achieving their objectives. When I refer to criminals, I mean both the overt ones who opted to participate in that “business,” as well as those in official positions who laid the groundwork for crime institutionally. Owing to these institutional criminals, crime in Montenegro has nearly been unofficially legalized,” Miljenović Zubac states.

Since the appointment of Vladimir Novović as head of the Special State Prosecutor’s Office in late February 2022, and following the initiation of cooperation with EUROPOL and various global agencies, numerous cases have been opened, with prosecution efforts targeting high-ranking members of the Kavač and Škalja clans, alongside police officers, prosecutors, judges, and politicians…

“After the numerous arrests we’ve witnessed in recent years, largely driven by data acquired through international collaboration and the decryption of organized crime members’ communications via the SKY application, it is clear that organized crime’s influence on state institutions has been considerably weakened. However, it would be naive to believe that with a change in government, this influence has entirely vanished. Portions of this can be observed in the work of the SDT, implicating both politicians and officials of the current government and through MANS’s recent investigation of cigarette smuggling in the Free Zone of the Port of Bar. For organized crime to function effectively, the endorsement of state institutions is indispensable, and I believe the coming investigations from the SDT will reveal the depth of organized crime’s operational endurance following the DPS’s 2020 changes,” Milovac asserts.

“This struggle won’t conclude swiftly, as this criminal octopus has infiltrated every aspect. Montenegro, as previously mentioned, has made considerable strides in this direction, yet not enough to enable normalcy for its citizens. I maintain that when compared to BiH, Montenegro has accomplished significant progress,” concludes Miljenović Zubac.

A journalist from Trebinje emphasizes that substantial collaboration has occurred between the SDT and SPO (Special Police Department) and opines that the five-year span following governmental changes is insufficient for a comprehensive “cleansing” of institutions.

“It’s premature to term the situation equal because those appointed to purge institutions of criminal elements are diligently working. Certainly, more can always be executed; we must all remain realistic. Milo Djukanovic and his DPS have established a network over many years, particularly within state institutions. We would all prefer a swift resolution, but such transformations and documentation cannot materialize overnight. I recognize the burdens and scope of work facing those tasked with this challenge, hence I believe patience is essential, and everyone should contribute within their capacity to realize the aspirations of all honest citizens in both Montenegro and BiH,” Miljenović Zubac articulates.

A decade post-independence, Montenegro gained notoriety for the emergence of two clans from Kotor and the prolonged conflict among their leaders, during which over 50 individuals lost their lives in the most brutal circumstances…

The journalist, often threatened for exposing ties between police and organized crime, elucidated that the narrative surrounding the two clans is essentially a regional one.

“They have extended their reach into the institutions and systems not only of Montenegro but also of BiH and neighboring countries. The strife between the two clans has almost obliterated the Škaljar clan, with the Kavač clan appearing stronger due to their integration within state structures. This narrative cannot simply conclude as the criminal networks’ reach extends everywhere. Montenegro has, as mentioned, made considerable efforts; however, it remains insufficient for citizens to experience a sense of normalcy. In contrast, BiH still contends with substantial clan influences operating under different circumstances and utilizing alternative methods. They are interlinked with institutions across the RS, FBiH, and BiH. I publicly discuss this, share information with certain authorities, and disclose portions of the SKY application via social media, substantiating many claims. The consequences of this transparency have led to enduring threats against my safety; I have endured attacks and years of legal struggles in BiH. Currently, I am relocated to Sarajevo, supported by international organizations, with protection from international security forces, including friends acquainted with the prevailing situation. That is how I have survived thus far. Nonetheless, I will not relent,” Miljenović Zubac asserts.

Dejan Milovac highlights the alarming incidents of the past years that indicate a significant opportunity to reform the security sector.

“Conversely, the diligent prosecution of all those who have contributed to this dire situation over past decades would convey a strong message of political will to properly address this domain. Regarding legal certainty for investments, we still lack the impression of an attractive investment environment with clear regulations, which continues to lure those who view Montenegro as a feasible site for money laundering. The safety of journalists remains precarious, and the lack of prosecution for ongoing attacks on journalists since the government transition fails to instill confidence in the media community, nor does it convey substantial political will to halt such occurrences,” Milovac concludes.

Milovac: Judicial Vetting is Essential

Multiple investigations by the SDT reflect that the police, prosecution, and judiciary are still vulnerable to political and criminal coercion.

“I assert they remain inadequate. That is why MANS advocates for judicial vetting, alongside police and other state services responsible for defending against corruption and organized crime. There exists no alternative to this process; without it, any discourse about initiating reforms or liberating from political and crime pressures is moot,” states the director of MANS.

Milovac further emphasizes that the police, judiciary, and prosecution show heightened susceptibility to corruption.

“Dismantling the hold of organized crime is vital for initiating reforms in the anti-corruption and organized crime sectors, five years following the ousting of DPS. Regrettably, as previously mentioned, the pace of this process remains insufficient for yielding sustainable results. Besides the removal of the SDT head, I fail to observe significant efforts to rectify judicial institutions. Recent developments have revealed commendable endeavors to cleanse the police of individuals who aided organized crime, but this will undoubtedly be a prolonged process,” he remarks.

ANB Lacks Reforms, Lustration, and File Transparency

Following the referendum in 2005, national security and intelligence services were separated from the Interior Ministry, and the powers of the secret service were regulated under the Law on the National Security Agency.

Two decades later, the director of the MANS Research Center asserts that the ANB, overshadowed by controversies and accusations of political instrumentalization spanning years, “has never undergone reform.”

“This agency has not been reformed, nor have any authorities made serious attempts to initiate this since 2020. The processes of file opening and lustration remain non-existent, which would signify a genuine departure from old regime practices. Instead, we have faced significant data leaks, revealing an overarching incapacity across almost every executive branch to manage this sector, with confidential data often misused rather than employed effectively to secure the state. The current role of the ANB in combating cigarette smuggling and other illicit activities at the Port of Bar remains a complete enigma, particularly in light of the agency’s role during the 1990s,” Milovac concludes.

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