The European Union (EU) does not consider border management as merely a means to abolish borders; instead, it shifts, enhances, and redefines them. This perspective has led to the Western Balkans evolving into a prominent European border zone, as noted by Florian Biber, the director of the Center for Southeast European Studies.

Biber shared these insights during the international conference titled “Borders in Southeast Europe: Geography or Imagination?”, which commenced in Podgorica on Friday, part of the Joint History Readers project (www.jointhistory.net).

During the panel discussion “Theoretical Approach to Borders,” Biber mentioned that although many assert the EU is eliminating borders, this narrative captures only a fraction of the reality.

“The EU encompasses numerous functions related to borders,” Biber emphasized.

He clarified that border dynamics involve shifting rather than outright disappearance.

“What the EU is doing involves not just the elimination of borders, but the realignment, demarcation, and establishment of new borders, as every external border becomes increasingly stringent, robust, and restrictive,” Biber elaborated.

He provided an example: traveling from Bosnia and Herzegovina to Croatia is no longer seen merely as a state-to-state transition, but rather as an entry into a broader political landscape.

“As a result, borders acquire entirely new significations that were previously absent. This transformation is not merely symbolic, but also infrastructural, generating a demand for control and management that did not exist before,” Biber explained.

He posited that these borders have evolved beyond national lines, becoming “European borders” as well.

Biber believes borders may fade away, but they never vanish entirely.

“Every time I traverse from Slovenia to Austria, the border appears to dissolve, yet it remains,” Biber remarked.

During the coronavirus pandemic, there was a significant shock when nations reinstated border controls in areas where people had grown accustomed to absence.

“Locations that were once devoid of police oversight can be reactivated, meaning invisible borders can once again emerge,” Biber added.

Biber noted that the EU is implementing new selection mechanisms, signifying a shift from merely country-based citizenship to a broader concept of European citizenship, impacting how borders function.

“Often, if you cross a border and don’t appear ‘European,’ you’re likely to be stopped and scrutinized,” Biber indicated.

He pointed out that there exists a defined hierarchy of control regarding who is subjected to stops and scrutiny.

“This reflects the racial and identity hierarchies that these borders construct and reinforce,” Biber added.

Biber described the emergence of “elastic” borders, illustrating this with the migration reception facility in Albania constructed by the Italian government.

“This effectively shifts the Italian presence into Albania. To my knowledge, no one has genuinely operated there yet, or only minimally, due to legal disputes initiated by Italian courts. Yet, it exemplifies the creation of borders within other territories,” Biber elucidated.

He further stated that such a scenario would not be feasible without European border regimes.

“This is indicative of the European ‘border-making’ process that affects Southeastern Europe, giving rise to new enclaves or territories,” Biber noted.

He maintained that the critical point is that, as a result of Europe’s migration focus over the past decade, the Balkans have established themselves as a European border zone.

“Specifically, I refer to the Western Balkans—a region that irony presents as an ‘isolated island’ or ‘inner courtyard’ because, despite being geographically and politically outside the EU, it functions as an external European space within the EU,” Biber stated.

He articulated that migrants entering the EU via the Western Balkans “essentially originate from the EU,” not through citizenship but through their route of travel.

“It’s a paradox—the Western Balkans have morphed into a border zone within the EU itself,” Biber remarked.

He highlighted the significant implications of this shift.

“Though formal borders have diminished in importance, in the Western Balkans, they’ve gained substantial relevance, becoming crucial for the EU as external boundaries that require management, security, and the establishment of new classifications,” Biber explained.

Addressing the concept of phantom borders, he referenced nationalist narratives that portray certain groups as the “defenders of Europe” or perpetuate anti-migrant sentiments and other nationalist myths celebrating the idea of safeguarding the Balkans from the East.

Kornelija Elis, Head of the Department of History at the Faculty of Philosophy in Ljubljana, highlighted the need for a broader theoretical and historical understanding of occupation borders.

“These borders are not established peacefully by states; rather, they arise from contexts of violence, military occupation, and state dissolution,” said Elis.

She noted that such borders are frequently perceived as temporary and exceptional because many were drawn abruptly without historical justification.

“Nevertheless, they leave persistent marks on the landscape, within daily lives, collective memory, and future demarcation processes,” Elis emphasized.

She stated that understanding occupation borders is vital for societal awareness.

Discussing scenarios where borders are delineated by occupying forces rather than sovereign states, Elis remarked that these boundaries do not merely separate nations but also divide communities and peoples, resulting in zones devoid of law where “brute force” prevails.

“Though they may seem transient, they often endure far longer than anticipated. They transform into phantom boundaries—officially absent yet still shaping behaviors, thoughts, and lives for decades,” Elis articulated.

She asserted that these borders also influence the physical landscape and the appearance of infrastructure.

“I believe Slovenia serves as an exemplary case for analyzing occupation borders, particularly due to its extreme territorial fragmentation during World War II,” Elis remarked, noting that in April 1941, Slovenia faced partition by Nazi Germany, fascist Italy, Hungary, and the Independent State of Croatia.

She clarified that each of these powers implemented its own laws, systems, and repressive strategies, transforming the boundaries between them into representations of contrasting ideologies, policies, and warfare objectives.

Elis disclosed that many of these borders did not exist externally but within Slovenia, segregating cities, regions, and families.

“For instance, Ljubljana, at Slovenia’s center, abruptly became a border city, a situation unprecedented in its history, which I hope will never recur,” Elis lamented.

She noted that these borders have not only altered the physical terrain but also significantly influenced people’s lives, rendering the border a constant aspect of existence.

According to Elis, while that border has become normalized in everyday life, the politics of ethnocide could not be accepted.

“The occupying forces endeavored to reshape annexed territories—leading, in some cases, to the expulsion of entire populations and their replacement with German settlers,” Elis explained.

She concluded that it is thus unsurprising that these borders did not vanish with the war’s end, nor after nationalist purges, migrations, or reconstruction efforts.

“The ramifications of these borders persist—in regional development, collective memory, voting, and identity. In certain areas, they have resulted in enduring divisions regarding World War II recollections and perspectives on collaboration versus resistance,” Elis noted.

She emphasized that what began as a temporary military solution has crystallized into a lasting spatial reality.

“The Slovenian example illustrates that occupation borders are not mere footnotes in history; they serve as fundamental mechanisms in shaping geography, identity, and society,” concluded Elis.

The Joint History Readers Project is executed by the European Fund for the Balkans with financial backing from the German Foreign Ministry.

The conference was organized with the support of the Center for Civic Education.

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