In the Government, Milojko Spajić (Europe Now Movement) expresses hope that Croatia will grant Montenegro the necessary approval to close Chapter 31 (foreign, security, and defense policy) in its negotiations with the European Union (EU) this June. This approval is contingent upon an agreement on compensation for Croatian citizens detained in the former Morinje camp, renaming the city swimming pool in Kotor, and finalizing the transfer of the Tivat “Josip Marković” Cultural Center to Zagreb, according to unofficial sources from “Vijesti.”

However, sources close to the negotiations assert that Croatia has not committed to enabling the closure of Chapter 31, a move it blocked at the end of last year, even if Montenegro resolves the specified issues.

An informant for “Vijesti” states that Podgorica and Zagreb are currently working to reach a compromise on the compensation amounts for the Morinje camp inmates, as well as to align their lists of detainees, which have discrepancies in documentation.

Following yesterday’s second round of bilateral consultations in Zagreb, attended by the state secretaries of the foreign ministries of both countries, Periša Kastratović and Frano Matušić, it is anticipated that a higher-level meeting could occur soon.

He further notes that discussions regarding other open issues, which Croatia insists upon, will also continue, and it is possible that international arbitration may be pursued concerning the ownership of the training ship “Jadran” and border issues on the Prevlaka peninsula.

The Montenegrin Ministry of Foreign Affairs shared that these bilateral consultations are a continuation of discussions that began on January 27. They indicated that the meeting involved “open dialogue” about “progress made in resolving outstanding issues,” along with establishing “further work dynamics, timelines, and methods to achieve tangible results.”

They stated, “Advancements in resolving outstanding matters will enhance overall bilateral relations and facilitate Montenegro’s further integration into the EU, which serves our common interest. Both sides have agreed to maintain ongoing communication regarding these issues,” as reported in a press release.

In Morinj, Kotor, from October 3, 1991, to August 18, 1992, the Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA) operated the so-called Center for the Reception of Prisoners from Croatia, widely known as the “Morinj Camp,” where 292 individuals from the Dubrovnik region were held under inhumane conditions. Of these, 169 prisoners testified to the cruel treatment they endured.

Four individuals were ultimately sentenced to 12 years in prison for this war crime.

In early February, the Special State Prosecutor’s Office (SDT) announced that, following a directive from Chief Special Prosecutor Vladimir Novović, criminal cases concerning war crimes in Morinj, Bukovica, and Kaluđerski Laz as well as the deportation of refugees from Herceg Novi have been reopened.

The dispute about the city pool in Kotor arose after the local parliament decided in August 2021 to honor Zoran Džimi Gopčević with naming the pool, claiming he was among the best water polo players in the region. This decision was condemned by Zagreb, which alleged that Gopčević had been a guard at the Morinj camp.

Regarding the Josip Marković Cultural Center in Tivat, the Montenegrin Government approved a draft contract in March to transfer the property to Croatia without compensation. This was then meant to be forwarded for approval and signing by Croatian officials. Zagreb has classified the resolution of this facility’s status—a site long-used by the Croatian National Council of Montenegro and the non-governmental organization Croatian Umbrella Community – Dux Croatorum—as one of the unresolved matters.

Previously, Croatia blocked Montenegro from closing Chapter 31 in December due to deteriorating relations between the two nations. Zagreb had previously submitted a non-paper detailing several issues it felt were unresolved and damaging to their mutual relations.

Relations began to cool in early 2024 when Croatian Minister of Defense Ivan Anusic (Croatian Democratic Union) canceled a meeting with his Montenegrin counterpart, Dragan Krapović (Democrats), during Krapović’s visit to Croatia, citing disagreements over the ship “Jadran” and the memorial plaque at the former Morinj camp.

Krapović had contended that Croatia had no claim over “Jadran” and that the plaque in Morinj should be replaced with one containing a more suitable inscription. The existing plaque, unveiled two and a half years ago, commemorates the “Greater Serbian aggression against Croatia” and states: “We remember the crimes committed to disgrace the name and spirit of Montenegro. We express regret for all the suffering endured by the prisoners. May it never happen again.”

Relations worsened in late June 2024 following Montenegro’s Parliament adoption of a Resolution on the Genocide in Jasenovac alongside the Dachau and Mauthausen Concentration Camps. This resolution was instigated by members of the ruling majority, following the UN General Assembly’s adoption of a resolution on the Genocide in Srebrenica in late May, which Montenegro supported but was opposed by parties from the former Democratic Front (DF) demanding a resolution on Jasenovac.

Croatia reacted vigorously, expressing regret that Montenegro chose to disregard calls to “not politicize the victims of Jasenovac.” Zagreb subsequently announced that Podgorica must meet criteria to close negotiation Chapter 23 (judiciary and fundamental rights) and that they would impose additional benchmarks.

“Montenegro must demonstrate progress in prosecuting war crimes, including accountability at higher levels, resolving cases of missing persons, addressing victim compensation, and protecting national minorities and their rights,” stated the Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs of Croatia.

In July of the previous year, Zagreb declared the head of the Montenegrin parliament undesirable, along with Andrija Mandić (New Serbian Democracy), Deputy Prime Minister Aleks Bečić (Democrats), and deputies Milan Knežević (Democratic People’s Party), citing “systematic actions to disrupt good neighborly relations with Croatia and the consistent exploitation of Croatia for internal political agendas,” implicitly referring to the recent resolution regarding Jasenovac.

They are also anticipating the closure of the public procurement chapter.

According to unofficial information from “Vijesti,” the Government expects that in June, alongside Chapter 31, they may also close Chapter 5 (public procurement).

The Ministry of European Affairs indicated to the newspaper recently, in response to inquiries about how many chapters the country anticipates closing at a potential intergovernmental conference with the EU this June, that two chapters are scheduled for closure during Poland’s presidency of the Council of the EU (January 1 – June 30 this year).

They noted that Montenegro has heightened efforts to meet final benchmarks across multiple chapters simultaneously, claiming that “three negotiation chapters are currently internally prepared.”

“… And which ones will be closed will also depend on the European Commission’s final assessment of benchmark fulfillment,” they added.

Recently, some civic activists remarked that the government’s agreement with the United Arab Emirates (UAE)—which involves “the largest investment in the country’s history”—raises doubts about the closure of the public procurement chapter.

This agreement stipulates that the UAE government will propose and underwrite private investors collaborating with the Montenegrin government on two tourism projects across the country, contingent upon the written consent of the executive authorities in Podgorica.

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