Identity factors played a role in the solid performance of the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) and the former Democratic Front (DF) during the elections in Nikšić. However, this was not the case at polling stations in Herceg Novi, where the electorate prioritized local issues over team affiliations.

This evaluation stems from discussions held with “Vijesti” interlocutors, who responded to inquiries regarding the contrasting electoral outcomes for the DPS and the former DF—gaining support in Nikšić while experiencing a decline in Herceg Novi. They examined whether these political entities thrive in environments fostering nationalist discourse, and diminish in areas where such themes are minimally addressed.

Preliminary results from the Nikšić election commission indicate that DPS garnered 14,580 votes (35.12 percent, 16 mandates), while the coalition For the Future of Nikšić (ZBNK), led by the DF, secured 14,381 votes (34.64 percent, 15 mandates).

Interestingly, DPS received approximately 4,700 fewer votes than in previous local elections (19,294). In that prior election, they had joined forces with the Social Democrats (SD), the Liberal Party (LP), and the Patriotic-Committee Alliance (PKS). Nonetheless, the DPS saw an increase of about 3,700 votes compared to the parliamentary elections (10,855), during which they again formed a coalition with the SD, LP, and the Democratic Union of Albanians.

In terms of mandates, DPS held 14 in 2021 (with their allies claiming four), now adding two more to their count.

It is also key to consider that some of their votes in this recent election “shifted” to the Party of European Progress, led by former Deputy Prime Minister Duško Marković.

Conversely, the ZBNK coalition is set to gain four more councilors in the new assembly of the Nikšić Municipal Assembly, raising their count from 11. Compared to the last Nikšić elections held in March 2021, they gained about 2,000 additional votes (previously 12,348), and about 8,100 more compared to the national elections in June 2023 (6,200 votes).

In both recent and previous local elections, the ZBNK coalition included eight constituents apart from the DF, while the For the Future of Montenegro alliance in parliamentary elections consisted of the DF and the Workers’ Party.

In contrast, early results from Herceg Novi show that DPS received 1,972 votes (15.24 percent, five mandates), while the Alliance for the Future of Herceg Novi and Boka, primarily made up of the DF, tallied 1,661 votes (12.84 percent, also five mandates).

The Coalition for the Future of Herceg Novi and Boka experienced a decline of about two votes from their last local elections, with approximately 1,500 fewer votes than in the 2021 local elections and around 500 fewer than in the national elections.

DPS, which competed independently in Herceg Novi, also recorded two fewer seats than in 2021 (previously seven, with SD holding one). On election day, they accumulated around 1,700 fewer votes than in 2021, and about 200 fewer than in the parliamentary elections.

Two poles “ate” small actors

Nikola Mirković, a program associate at the Center for Civic Education (CCE), emphasized that the Nikšić elections held greater weight, as it is the largest municipality after Podgorica, featuring a campaign that addressed broader topics beyond local concerns.

“As such, this resulted in a heightened polarization around two national and ideological poles, evidenced by the near-equal split of votes between the DPS and the former DF coalitions, effectively siphoning off votes from smaller parties with similar political orientations,” he informed “Vijesti.”

Mirković noted that this was particularly evident with the ZBNK coalition, which “captured” a portion of the Democrats’ voter base.

He added that smaller lists aligned with DPS ideologies failed to meet the electoral threshold.

Nevenka Vuksanović, director of the Center for Democracy and Human Rights, remarked that the Nikšić elections highlighted the dominance of identity issues and voting trends, indicating that the electorate primarily viewed the elections through the lens of national values rather than local concerns. She mentioned that citizens interpreted the elections as “a reflection of the state level and the struggle for national values.”

In contrast, she observed that in Herceg Novi, there is a growing trend in civic, local parties, while identity burdens are notably less significant in the election results.

Responding to whether DPS and DF thrive in contexts focused on nationalism while struggling in others, Vuksanović affirmed this notion, pointing out that civic, local parties in the town near Trebjes failed to make any substantial impact.

Milačić: Politicians are not elected by European officials

Neither DPS nor key constituents of the former DF, such as New Serbian Democracy (NSD) and the Democratic People’s Party (DNP), responded to “Vijesti’s” inquiries regarding the contrasting outcomes of their parties in Nikšić and Herceg Novi.

Marko Milačić, president of Prava Crne Gore (part of the DF coalition in both municipalities), noted that the nationalist narrative linked to their coalition is “a recurring theme concocted by the DPS as a cheap tactic to marginalize a significant portion of Montenegro.”

“Citizens are clearly aware of this manipulation, as demonstrated by these elections,” he remarked.

Milačić further expressed that his coalition colleagues may have underestimated the importance of addressing “inherited discrimination against the Serbian population, which has not been resolved effectively even with the new government.”

He specifically referenced issues surrounding the majority Serbian language and citizenship rights for Serbs whose lives are predominantly tied to Montenegro, yet who do not enjoy basic rights included in local and European documents.

He cautioned that while there may have been excitement regarding investments and respect for the views of European officials—who have perhaps been overly influential in recent months—what truly matters is that they were elected by the citizens of Montenegro, not European leaders.

He maintained that it is essential to separate domestic political needs from foreign policies and initiatives that intrude into citizens’ lives without any national context or adaptation.

Milačić also criticized those labeling them as nationalists, highlighting how accusations of “Chetnik scum” exemplify the deepening political mud they must navigate.

Aside from DPS and DF, eight other political parties participated in the Nikšić elections. The Europe Now Movement (PES) received 5,188 votes (12.5 percent, five mandates), the Democrats garnered 3,038 votes (7.32 percent, three mandates), while the European Union secured 2,103 votes (5.07 percent, two mandates). Five parties did not achieve parliamentary representation: the Civic Movement (GP) URA, SEP, and the lists “Awaken Nikšić – Dragoljub Dragan Radulović”, “Work for my city – dr Borislav Mišo Đurišić”, and “For a libertarian Nikšić with equal opportunities – Jelena Marković”.

In Herceg Novi, besides DPS and DF, seven other lists participated in the electoral race. The Democrats earned 4,067 votes (31.43 percent, 12 seats), the Novi List (backed by PES) received 3,320 votes (25.66 percent, 10 seats), while the European Union garnered 438 votes (3.39 percent, one seat), GP URA received 464 votes (3.59 percent, one seat), and the Civic Movement for Herceg Novi “Idemooo” secured 595 votes (4.60 percent, one seat). The Socialist People’s Party (SNP), with 267 votes (2.07 percent), and the Bokeški Forum, with 154 votes (1.19 percent), did not meet the electoral threshold.

On the coast, local issues above identity issues

Mirković indicated that the elections in Herceg Novi were more focused on “local narratives”, generating less enthusiasm evident from the “very low turnout” of just over 51 percent.

“Moreover, it appears that citizens preferred local figures over national ones; thus, the Democrats’ results in Ohardi can largely be attributed to current and likely future mayor Stevan Katić rather than the Democrats’ leadership. Similarly, the commendable results of the Nova List should be credited to local figures, rather than the PES leadership backing them,” explained the interviewee.

Political scientist Miloš Perović conveyed to “Vijesti” that a noticeable trend in all coastal municipalities is the increasing support for civic lists.

“One key factor is likely the better socio-economic conditions of residents in these regions, which influences the nature of the electoral campaign,” he suggested.

He observed that local issues driving civic lists have become a priority over identity issues and other “national” topics.

Milačić noted differences in the coalition’s composition in Herceg Novi compared to Nikšić, as the SNP ran independently this time.

“In Nikšić, unlike Herceg Novi, citizens have had steady leadership with Marko Kovačević (ZBNK) at the helm for four years, making his results easier to judge based on concrete achievements,” he explained.

He also mentioned that local committees of various parliamentary parties in Herceg Novi display greater sensitivity towards the Serbian population than their counterparts in other cities, directly impacting electoral results.

“Thus, Herceg Novi presents a unique case,” he concluded.

Perović: Small lists had no business being in the bloc division

Discussing the DPS and DF’s gains in Nikšić, political scientist Perović pointed out that identity issues remain crucial in garnering support.

“The heightened stakes, the unexpectedly high turnout, and the campaign’s nature in Nikšić fostered a referendum-like division between the two strongest lists, leading to the marginalization of smaller civic lists,” he stated.

Perović further noted the significance of the scattered votes, attributing them all to civic constituents in Nikšić.

“A major factor was the ZBNK coalition’s success in mobilizing voters discontented with the current government, driven by anti-DPS sentiments that are still strong among those likely to support civic alternatives,” he explained.

He concluded that DPS capitalized on the creation of this bloc division and the relevance of identity issues in Nikšić, achieving significant results. However, he cautioned that DPS currently lacks a reliable coalition partner, which may lead to difficulties for the party with substantial backing to realize its coalition potential. The involvement of (honorary DPS president Milo) Đukanović in the campaign may also contribute to this reduced coalition potential,” Perović stated.

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