In Montenegro, despite the ousting of the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) government on August 30, 2020, the trend of officials evading accountability for their errors and oversights has persisted. Even when they are dismissed, they often land in more favorable roles.

This observation comes from sources speaking to “Vijesti,” particularly regarding a recent instance of officials being rewarded despite their blunders. This includes the Speaker of the Parliament, Andrije Mandić (New Serbian Democracy), proposing Biljana Vučurović, the former director of the Podgorica Gymnasium, as his advisor. Vučurović was dismissed in January following protests from citizens, as the Education Inspectorate found her negligent in addressing the sexual harassment case involving professor Radoman Čečović and former student Sara Vujisic.

Civic activist Dževdet Pepić noted that since August 30, 2020, critics of the former DPS administration have largely continued the same practices, and in some areas, those practices have even worsened.

Pepić expressed the sentiment that “August 31st” never truly occurred.

“Though many criticize DPS, in certain respects, the situation is even worse now than during the DPS era,” remarked Pepić.

Civic activist Stefan Djukic commented that advisory roles within the Assembly merely serve to occupy party positions, conveying a negative message.

“The new government parties dislike being compared to the DPS, yet they consistently engage in behaviors reminiscent of the DPS. Thus, we have no choice but to critique this and assert that although nothing illegal is occurring, it is entirely legitimate to criticize the unchanged political system,” stated Đukić.

Mandić has submitted a proposal to appoint Vučurović as advisor to the President of the Administrative Committee, Jelena Nedovic (Europe Now Movement), earlier this week. In presenting the proposal, he referenced Article 5 of the Decision regarding Special Advisors in the Assembly, which allows the Speaker of Parliament to have up to nine advisors.

Currently, the head of parliament has a chief of staff and five advisors. The chief of staff, Mirko Miličić, who is also the spokesperson for NSD, along with advisors: writer Zelidrag Nikčević, former executive director of the Electricity Exchange Matija Medojević, former Secretary General of the Government Žana Praščević Milačić, former NSD MP Janko Milatović, and Gordana Đuračić (media advisor).

In September of last year, Mandić appointed a former judge of the Constitutional Court, Milorad Gogić, as his associate after several unsuccessful attempts by the authorities to modify regulations prolonging his judicial tenure which had ended upon reaching retirement age.

NEW ROLES IN PLACE OF ACCOUNTABILITY

Stefan Đukić cites examples from the past where officials were granted new positions instead of facing accountability.

“Former Minister of Health Miodrag Radunović (DPS) was held responsible for the incident in Bijelo Polje where babies were infected, yet he was later appointed as an advisor to then-Prime Minister Milo Đukanović (DPS),” he stated.

Radunović resigned after five babies contracted infections, one leading to a death, in a Bijelo Polje hospital alleged to lack proper hygiene. After resigning as minister in November 2014, he was appointed as an advisor to Milo Đukanović in May 2015.

When Đukanović became president in 2018, he subsequently accommodated former Podgorica mayor Slavoljub Stijepović, implicated in the “Envelope” scandal. In her closing argument in this case, Special State Prosecutor Tanja Čolan Deretic requested a prison sentence for Stijepović and the other defendants involved.

The scandal gained notoriety when a video surfaced in 2016 showing Duško Knežević handing an envelope to then-mayor Stijepović, allegedly containing nearly 100,000 euros intended for financing the DPS campaign. The DPS denies any misconduct related to campaign financing.

Another high-profile figure seeking refuge under Đukanović’s presidency was the former director of the Police Directorate, Veselin Veljović, alongside former Minister of Agriculture Petar Ivanovic, both currently facing trial—Veljović for allegedly aiding a criminal organization and Ivanovic concerning the “Abu Dhabi Fund” affair (with the trial’s commencement postponed until March 10).

Đukić also reflects on the situation that arose when the Social Democratic Party (SDP) relinquished power in Podgorica in 2011.

“That was profoundly principled and assertive, yet their officials were dismissed from local administration only to quickly become advisors to then-Speaker of Parliament Ranka Krivokapić,” recalls Đukić.

SDP’s former Minister of Transport, Andrija Lo, similarly resigned following the 2006 Bioče tragedy, which resulted in 47 passenger deaths, yet returned to his position after the subsequent elections.

“IF THEY COULD DO IT, SO CAN WE”

Dževdet Pepić questions the rationale behind certain appointments, prompting inquiries into the benefits derived from such actions.

He argues that this is not a genuine fight against the DPS-established system but rather reflects an attitude of, “If they could do it, so can we—sometimes even worse.”

“This narrative is highly controversial and concerning for those who genuinely strive for meritocracy. I contend that this system is fundamentally flawed,” asserted Pepić.

He emphasizes the need to advocate for a system in which party and personal connections do not dictate eligibility for positions, ensuring that only qualified candidates who adhere to necessary standards are appointed.

The ruling PES has repeatedly committed to meritocracy within the state administration, highlighting this principle as one of their tenets during coalition discussions prior to forming the 44th Government in 2023.

The ninth principle of the PES states, “Government constituents commit to adhering to principles of transparency, meritocracy, and equal opportunity in personnel policy, prioritizing the professional capabilities and personal integrity of candidates. We aim to move away from a partocratic governance approach and strictly follow legal frameworks and best practices for the appointment of political positions (ministers, state secretaries, up to 30% of ambassadors, and 50% of management board members) as well as professional roles (department directors, heads of administrative bodies, leadership of state-owned companies, and others), selected through public and transparent processes and competitions.”

“The new government parties dislike being told they are behaving like the DPS, yet they consistently mimic their actions. Therefore, we must continue criticizing this reality and assert that while there may be no legal infractions, it is undeniably valid to claim that the political system remains unchanged,” concluded Đukić.

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