Europe is actively developing new defense strategies and enhancing its capabilities in this area, and Montenegro must determine if it wishes to be a participant, stated Czech Foreign Minister Jan Lipavsky.

In a conversation with “Vijesti”, he emphasized that this initiative would provide added security to the region.

“Significant developments are occurring, and a unified foreign and defense policy is essential. I can only urge for even closer collaboration in this domain,” Lipavsky remarked, reflecting on the shifts in American politics following Donald Trump’s election as President of the United States.

Trump’s choice to halt financial aid to Ukraine and adopt a more accommodating approach towards Moscow has raised concerns among Europeans, who view Russia as the foremost threat. During a summit in Brussels last Thursday, European leaders endorsed strategies to bolster defense budgets and reaffirmed their support for Ukraine.

Lipavsky asserted that the EU represents the best path for Montenegro towards long-term safety and prosperity, expressing hope that the ongoing discussions with Croatia will help resolve outstanding issues.

“However, this matter must be settled bilaterally between Montenegro and Croatia,” noted the Czech minister, who recently completed an official visit to Montenegro.

Relations with Croatia have soured in recent years over various disputes, including the ownership of the ship “Jadran” and a sign at the old “Morinj” camp in Kotor. Tensions escalated this summer when the Montenegrin parliament adopted a resolution concerning the genocide at the Jasenovac camp. As a result, Croatia blocked Montenegro’s efforts to close Chapter 31 (foreign, security, and defense policy) last year due to lingering issues.

Do you believe that negotiations between Montenegro and the EU are taking excessively long?

The EU remains Montenegro’s optimal pathway for sustained security and prosperity, a notion that extends to other Western Balkan nations yet to join the European Union. Naturally, the process can be lengthy, influenced by both political and technical factors. I appreciate the current Government’s ambition and the widespread backing from Montenegrin society for European integration. While some tasks remain, the Czech Republic strongly endorses this progress.

Is there a possibility that Montenegro will become the next EU member in the upcoming years? The Montenegrin government seems quite optimistic about this matter.

I generally refrain from assigning specific timelines in this process, as it can foster a sense of complacency. Having a date does not guarantee completion; substantial requirements must still be met—laws need to be passed, technicalities resolved, and there must be political will among all EU member states. Thus, an exact date cannot be promised. Nevertheless, engaging in this process and aligning with the EU is significantly beneficial for Montenegro. We have experienced it ourselves—the Czech Republic’s journey to membership has equipped us with valuable insights regarding the advantages of EU membership. I admire the ambition of the Montenegrin Government. Such ambition is vital as it clearly defines objectives for various institutions—be it ministries or agencies—and signals to citizens that their leaders are dedicated to this aim. I consider this a wise strategy.

In what specific area does Montenegro need to improve in order to become the next EU member? Does it involve fostering good neighborly relations, especially given the ongoing disputes with Croatia?

I recognize that Croatia is a valuable ally to Montenegro and an essential regional partner, so I remain hopeful that ongoing negotiations will result in resolving all outstanding matters. However, this is a bilateral concern that Montenegro and Croatia must address. While I understand that some chapters have been concluded, others remain in progress, and I believe that the Government is diligently pursuing this issue. As Foreign Minister, I feel it is crucial for Montenegro to further align with the EU’s common foreign and defense policy, an area where we can strive for greater progress.

Thus, you do not expect Croatia to continue impeding Montenegro’s EU aspirations?

This is a matter that needs to be addressed between Montenegro and Croatia. I have engaged in discussions with President Jakov Milatović, Foreign Minister Ervin Ibrahimović, and Deputy Prime Minister Filip Ivanović. I sense a willingness to engage in dialogue, and I am optimistic that a resolution will be reached.

How do you evaluate the Montenegrin Government’s efforts in meeting its EU obligations?

The commitments are part of the enlargement process, so I can only comment on the Government’s actions and aspirations concerning these matters.

Are the ideological differences among the political parties in the Montenegrin Government obstructing its work?

I am not in a position to assess that. It is up to each Montenegrin citizen to determine their stance on this issue. My focus is on hearing a cohesive message from the various members of the Government—namely, that Montenegro is intent on working toward EU membership and that this is a clear and shared objective.

How do you believe the political crisis stemming from the situation in Montenegro’s Constitutional Court can be resolved?

This is a question beyond my scope, as I am not privy to the details. Offering advice would be inappropriate. I believe it is an internal matter that must be addressed through democratic processes in Montenegro, and I have faith in those processes.

How might a significant shift in the US’s relationship with Europe influence the situation within the EU and the Balkans?

We are witnessing notable changes in American policy. Many tools of “soft power” are being altered or diminished. The United States appears poised to adopt a different approach moving forward. For the Czech Republic, this necessitates ongoing efforts to maintain transatlantic relations, engage with the United States, and discuss mutual interests, a necessity I believe also applies to Montenegro. This aspect of policy is crucial for Montenegro.

Europe is currently focused on developing new defense frameworks and enhancing its capabilities. Montenegro must determine if it wishes to be included in this effort, which would undoubtedly enhance regional security. Yet, as of now, concrete outcomes are still pending—many developments are underway, and establishing a common foreign and defense policy is imperative. I strongly encourage greater collaboration in this area. My discussions with Montenegro’s President, Foreign Minister, and Deputy Prime Minister were very productive, contributing positively to the broader geopolitical landscape.

Could a shift in US policy impact EU enlargement or hinder the accession of Montenegro and other regional countries?

I do not believe that Donald Trump’s policy could halt EU enlargement. Conversely, I see enlargement as a safeguard for security and prosperity for Montenegro, which I believe could serve as additional motivation for Montenegro to pursue reforms and strengthen its ties with the EU.

Could Trump’s policies incite instability within the region?

We have not yet witnessed significant developments from the new Donald Trump administration regarding the Balkans. It is challenging to predict potential changes. Speculation is possible, but the current situation has not markedly shifted.

Do you think the EU should establish its own military force?

I believe Europe should maintain robust national armies, which differs from a unified European military. A strong European defense against threats such as Russia is an absolute necessity.

There will be strong pressure to increase military spending

How might the actions of the US and Trump influence NATO?

We should anticipate significant pressure to boost military expenditures. My government in the Czech Republic has committed to gradually elevating defense spending to 3% of GDP over the next five years. I foresee this being a primary message conveyed within NATO:

“Please increase your defense budgets.”

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