The media coverage surrounding the protests in Serbia largely mirrored the existing media framework, yet over time, certain outlets escalated their reporting efforts significantly. While independent media emphasized the student protests, featuring considerably more live updates from the ground, tabloids experienced a meltdown. Tabloid print and digital media embarked on an almost frantic defense of the regime, employing terms such as: terrorists, Ustashas, hooligans, followers of Kurti, traitors, Majdanovites, mercenaries, thugs, alongside a plethora of other derogatory labels that hardly warrant mention.

The Color Revolution of Croatia and Kurti

The regime’s media has fixated on the supposed malicious agendas of Croatia and Albin Kurti, mirroring the authorities’ belief that even neutral reporting on events in Serbia by Croatian and Kosovo media in Albanian equates to backing student protests and an effort to destabilize Serbia. Additionally, this information ecosystem is riddled with contradictions. Students and the opposition are branded as “mercenaries of the criminal organization USAID,” while ignoring the funds that USAID allocates to state projects and institutions, conveniently overlooking its label as a criminal organization.

As Rade Veljanovski, a retired professor from the Faculty of Political Science, conveys to DW, “In the past four months, the division within society and the media into two opposing factions has become increasingly apparent. The regime media have amplified their propaganda efforts, and critical media outlets have also stepped up their activities. Thus, we observe media destruction alongside constructive approaches. The regime media indeed possess broader reach, yet the movement occurring across Serbia is so impactful that this media blockade cannot suppress the dissemination of information,” Veljanovski comments.

Vučić is no longer the focal point

As per our statistics, students have eclipsed Aleksandar Vučić in the media spotlight, Zoran Gavrilović from the Bureau for Social Research (BIRODI) tells DW:

“Aleksandar Vučić no longer holds media dominance. This shift is largely attributable to the reporting of Nova and N1 television channels. The framework remains unchanged, yet their coverage has highlighted students’ actions more prominently,” Gavrilović notes.

Conversely, tabloid print and electronic media have reached a point where labeling them as mere tabloids seems inadequate, insists Rade Veljanovski:

“While tabloids typically maintain a minimum standard, Serbian tabloids have descended to such depths that it’s hard to fathom where they could possibly go further. They evade discretion in language, employing insults, misinformation, and an unambiguous alignment with regime propaganda,” Veljanovski remarks.

This creates a Praetorian guard of media, notes Zoran Gavrilović, who emphasizes that “they are fabricating enemies, casting students as Ustashas, foreign agents, and cultivating a narrative of a color revolution. This storyline resonates with the public and finds endorsement from top government officials. Such brazen media and government rhetoric seeks to preserve the former support of approximately two million votes for the Serbian Radical Party (SNS), though it remains uncertain if those votes will materialize again,” asserts BIRODI’s executive director.

RTS – a messenger of power, not truth

Radio Television of Serbia (RTS) remains a perennial topic in Serbian political discourse. The public broadcaster has often fallen short of expectations, though there have been some timid advancements recently. RTS’s coverage of student protests and mass citizen gatherings has been limited, prompting hyperbolic reactions from the top echelons. Merely a few minutes of student-related coverage sent Aleksandar Vučić into a frenzy, labeling the producers as “imbeciles” and underscoring that control over RTS is a crucial element for the regime.

“This agitation and anxiety within the regime stem precisely from this phenomenon,” Veljanovski underscores, observing that “the public broadcaster plays a vital role in this context”:

“The emergence of this sign of objectivity, though still inadequate, is a welcome development. The authorities’ reaction reveals its substantial influence. The RTS collegium’s response to the Serbian President’s insults represents a positive indication.”

Zoran Gavrilović points out that “over 60 percent of the Serbian populace relies on television for news, a fact that cannot be overlooked:

“RTS stands as the most viewed and trusted television channel, particularly among the voting demographic, which consists of older, less educated individuals whom Vučić is counting on. RTS is perceived as a state-run station, and its broadcasts are regarded as verified information, conveying the government’s narrative rather than the truth,” Gavrilović explains to DW.

Citizens seek their own information

The complex media landscape, combined with the rapid developments occurring over the last four months, has led to a remarkable surge in the popularity of social media. Not only are intense political debates transpiring on these platforms, but they have also transformed into the primary channels for disseminating news about student and civic initiatives across Serbia.

These moments mark significant events in history, states Rade Veljanovski, emphasizing that “in such circumstances, new technologies enabling swift communication become crucial. While traditional media will not vanish, the prominence of young individuals advocating for change makes reliance on social networks more understandable at this time. Though this reliance may not be permanent, it is logical and justified for the present,” Veljanovski asserts.

In environments characterized by ineffective institutional media, the phenomenon of self-information emerges, points out Zoran Gavrilović.

“Social networks offer citizens this alternative approach; however, it carries both advantages and drawbacks. One benefit is access to diverse information, while a downside lies in the lack of editorial oversight, resulting in the proliferation of unverified and false information—which raises significant concerns, as the very channels that can serve as a solution might also present challenges,” Gavrilović concluded for DW.

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