The Serbian government is making moves to address the ongoing protests by re-initiating its anti-corruption campaign, which is described as “the largest and most unprecedented so far.” Observers from DW note it resembles “a typical political campaign, much like those seen in supermarket promotions.”

The corruption scandals linked to the structure collapse in Novi Sad, which sparked the protests, have left Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić feeling the pressure to present some form of action to ease public unrest. As has happened repeatedly in the past, a renewed fight against corruption is being touted, this time framed as “the biggest and most unprecedented.” While some judicial activities have been observed along with a few arrests, public confidence remains low, with many suspecting this is merely a political stunt.

The initial arrests included recognizable figures such as former Serbian Electric Power Company (EPS) director Milorad Grčić and controversial businessman Aleksandar Papić. However, these were followed by seemingly arbitrary arrests of unknown individuals, with allegations of embezzlement ranging from €25,000 to €1 million.

In the case of EPS and Grčić, who is alleged to have embezzled a million euros, humor abounds regarding the financial mismanagement at the company, where the total damages are estimated in the hundreds of millions of euros. It’s been said that a million euros could easily be embezzled over the course of a single lunch break.

Like supermarket promotions

The intricacies of internal dynamics within the SNS party are complex, but there’s an evident usage of the anti-corruption campaign for internal party conflicts, particularly against those aligned with former Minister of Army and Police Nebojša Stefanović, now politically marginalized for not passing a loyalty test to President Vučić. Overall, it seems that the primary and most influential figures within the administration, where the highest amounts of money are handled, have largely been shielded from this pronounced anti-corruption initiative.

Lawyer Božo Prelević describes the current situation as “a standard political campaign, akin to a supermarket sale that lasts for 15 days, after which everything returns to normal. This is not how law enforcement and the judiciary should operate. It appears to be an effort by Vučić to project that the state is active, and institutions are functioning, aiming to quell the protests,” he told DW.

Who tied the hands of the prosecution?

Zoran Stojiljković, a professor at the Faculty of Political Sciences, describes this as a classic tactic of spin during a crisis, remarking, “this seems more like damage control attempting to create an illusion of a severe crackdown on corruption.” He points out that while certain individuals are being arrested, none of them belong to the upper echelons of what is recognized as endemic and systemic corruption.

In the context of this campaign, Aleksandar Vučić has claimed to provide “free hands for the prosecution,” not realizing that this admission implies the prosecution has indeed been working under political constraints. Prelević suggests that such announcements indicate state interference in matters that shouldn’t be politicized. “The fact that we are calling for institutional action in the streets highlights a serious problem with governance,” he argues.

Arrests on the margins

These declarations imply that “certain individuals can be sacrificed without triggering a more severe social and political crisis,” emphasizes Zoran Stojiljković.

This pattern persists because the government recognizes that their path to power was facilitated by their stance against corruption. Thus, they face the risk of losing that power due to the same issue. The current events can be seen as desperate attempts to delay repercussions, offering the public superficial justice through these marginal arrests,” Stojiljković explains.

Arrest ten – save ninety

A review of the years-long exposure of hidden communications between top officials and organized crime reveals a stark reality: no one from these conversations has been apprehended, indicating a selective approach to fighting corruption.

According to Božo Prelević, this illustrates that key figures tasked with combating crime are likely intertwined with drug dealers. “We are left in a situation where we might apprehend ten individuals while safeguarding ninety others,” he points out.

Serbia blocked because of Vučić

The entire SNS administration appears to function through restricted media, as Prelević highlights, suggesting that “the government is fundamentally about corruption and greed.” This perception has led to the narrative that Serbia’s current stagnation is due to student protests, a claim he refutes, stating it is, in fact, due to Aleksandar Vučić and his administration’s failure to operate within constitutional boundaries.

Reflecting on the situation, it seems that corruption has not significantly hindered the ruling party’s support, as numerous scandals have not adversely affected their standing. Zoran Stojiljković opines that this might have been true in calmer times; however, in the wake of clear and devastating instances of corruption, like the one in Novi Sad, the serious implications of corruption are now evident. The emerging public response places corruption back among the top societal issues,” he concluded.

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