As anticipated, backing for President Aleksandar Vučić is largely coming from the parliamentary representatives of the ruling factions of the former Democratic Front, which similarly back the Serbian regime.

Democratic People’s Party (DNP) MP Vladislav Bojović asserts that behind the façade of the so-called student protests in Serbia and the “shameless exploitation” of the tragic events in Novi Sad, the Serbian government faces an “organized assault from certain clandestine groups.”

Bojović expressed his firm support for Serbia’s leadership “during a time when it is subjected to another attempt at destabilization orchestrated by the remnants of the ‘deep state,’ which was convincingly defeated in the recent US elections.”

The leader of Bojović’s party, Milan Knežević, alongside the Mayor of Nikšić, Marko Kovačević from the New Serbian Democracy, were among the first to endorse a petition “supporting the right to life” of President Vučić. They joined ministers, ambassadors, and public figures from Serbia who are sounding alarm bells regarding the “escalating dehumanization and demonization” of his persona and actions.

Conversely, Miodrag Laković, an MP from the ruling Europe Now Movement (PES), told DW that Serbian citizens, spearheaded by students, have demonstrated substantial potential to exert democratic pressure, thereby compelling institutions to operate more transparently, efficiently, and within their constitutional confines.

“The resignation of Prime Minister Miloš Vučević can be perceived as a forced maneuver, aimed at dampening the potential escalation of protests and the emergence of newer, more radical demands,” Laković expressed to DW, adding that “the prevailing sentiment for radical institutional and political reforms is evident, yet it remains unpredictable how far this will extend within the government at this moment.”

Student protests signal that change is attainable

There is evident support for Serbian students from opposition ranks, along with a belief that their determination should serve as a model for their peers in Montenegro.

“All of us in public office, whether in government or opposition, must learn to confront and accept the criticism directed by protest participants and organizers at us, recognizing that it’s their role— to critique everything that is amiss, irrespective of the individual or political faction,” Nikola Zirojević, an opposition Social Democrat (SD) MP, shared with DW.

Both students and the Serbian government have displayed that the political landscape is not as straightforward and unidimensional as it seems, according to analyst Stefan Đukić speaking to DW.

“The government, which is accustomed to employing a singular mode of combat— delegitimizing any opposition it encounters— has attempted the same approach. Once it realized this tactic was ineffective, it hastily transitioned from one misstep to another, offering greater concessions that yield no results, revealing significant weakness in its desire to cling to power. The student protests have illustrated that change is indeed possible, but genuine intentions must underlie any effort,” Đukić believes.

Could widespread protests spill over to Montenegro?

The informal group of Montenegrin students known as “Kamo Śutra” has organized protests on three occasions, calling for the resignation of leaders in the security sector following the tragic mass shooting in Cetinje on January 1, which resulted in 13 fatalities, including two children.

They demand the resignation of Prime Minister Milojko Spajić by February 1st, along with the departures of Interior Minister Danilo Šaranović and Deputy Prime Minister for Security and Defense Aleksa Bečić. Additionally, they advocate for stricter regulations on gun ownership, police system reforms, reestablishment of civic education as a required subject in primary and secondary schools, and improvements in attitudes towards mental health care. Failing to achieve these, they plan to call for civil disobedience.

Zirojević endorses the students “and their initiatives, which have garnered substantial public support,” expressing hope that “drawn from the examples set not just by Serbia, but also by numerous EU member states, these protests will gain momentum in both numbers and impact.”

According to Đukić, it’s clear that the protest movements in Serbia have at least attempted to resonate with Montenegro; however, he adds that the two situations differ greatly due to various factors.

“In Serbia, there’s likely direct accountability from those in power, compounded by the regime’s long-standing autocratic nature. In Montenegro, such accountability may be solely moral, and the governing bodies are fluid and unpredictable. The current social climate simply does not allow for the same kind of mass protests seen in Serbia,” Đukić concludes.

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